An ethnic confederation finds itself out of place between the post-colonial states of north-west Africa
This month the government of Mali is due to implement key parts of a peace treaty with Tuareg rebels in the north of the country. The deal has been a long time coming. It was signed more than a year ago, and stems from fighting that began in 2012, like reported by economist.com.
The rebels had hoped to form “Azawad”, an independent Tuareg nation. Even now, they hold the strategic town of Kidal. But who are the Tuareg—and what does their future hold?
The Tuareg are a group of Berber clans of obscure origin. Legend states that under their first queen, Tin Hinan, they moved into the Sahara around 400AD. During medieval times, the Tuareg dominated lucrative trade routes across the desert. Timbuktu, renowned throughout the Muslim world as an intellectual centre, was founded by a Tuareg family in the 12th century. Tuareg fortunes declined after the French arrived, in the 19th century. Their leaders were slaughtered and their traditional confederations dissolved. Following the independence of north-west Africa, in the 1960s the Tuareg were separated by the borders of several post-colonial states.
There are still about 2m Tuareg, mostly in Niger and Mali. But surrounded by foreign majorities, they have been marginalised: land reforms limit their traditional nomadic pastoralism, while trade restrictions keep them poor. Rampant desertification hardly helps. Many Tuareg have moved into towns or live in squalid camps. Economic tensions with their near neighbours are heightened by the Tuareg’s distinctive traditions. Although Muslim, they preserve pre-Islamic beliefs in spirits and exorcism. Relations between men and women are also less austere than in other Islamic societies. Strikingly, it is Tuareg men who wear the veil, not the women. Some Tuareg clans, moreover, are lax about sex before marriage. The Tuareg language is also special. Related to other Berber tongues, it is written in its own script, dating back to ancient times. Their music is famous for its hypnotic blend of chanting and drumbeats. Other Tuareg practices are less enchanting. Slavery is common, despite government attempts to suppress it.
Cultural pride, combined with economic hardships, has spurred the Tuareg to fight for an independent state. Even before the 2012 conflict, they had rebelled against governments three times since 1962. Their own isolation, meanwhile, has pushed them to find help wherever they can. For years, Muammar Qaddafi funded Tuareg fighters; rebels were joined by al-Qaeda affiliates and other Islamist militants in 2012. These alliances have proven fickle. Libya expelled thousands of Tuareg in the 1980s, and the rebellion in 2012 ended in violence between Tuareg rebels and foreign jihadists. Negotiated settlements might prove more solid: Tuareg communities now enjoy some autonomy in Niger. Previous agreements with Mali fostered better relations with the army, and the new treaty promises the Tuareg a louder voice in government. Other Tuareg, meanwhile, are hoisting a banner for their culture. The first Tuareg feature film was made in 2014. Tuareg bands are now popular internationally. Tinariwen, the most famous, performs in London and New York. Earning glamour abroad is one thing; Azawad in the desert remains a distant prospect.
